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Notes to Chapter 1

1. See Ömer Lütfü Barkan and Ekrem Hakkı Ayverdi Istanbul Vakıfları Tahrir defteri—953(1546) Tarihli, ƒstanbul, ƒstanbul Fetih Cemiyeti, 1970 (see pp. 351–355 for the Kasap ƒlyas mahalle).
2. Of these fourteen mahalles only three have survived to this day: Davud Paœa, Kürkçübaœı, and Kasap ƒlyas. Another two (Hubyar and Abacızâde) still existed before the municipal reform of the 1920s. The remaining nine had totally disappeared before the nineteenth century.
3. For more details on the various local pious foundations of Kasap ƒlyas, see Cem Behar “Kasap ƒlyas Mahallesi: Istanbul’un bir Mahallesinin Sosyal ve Demografik Portresi, 1546–1885” (The Kasap ƒlyas mahalle: a social and demographic portrait of an Istanbul neighborhood, 1546–1885), Istanbul Araœtırmaları, 4, Winter 1998, pp. 7–110.
4. A double hamam has two separate entrances, a double tepidarium, and a double sudatorium and is open to both men and women. The single hamam was used by men and women either on alternate days or at different hours of the day.
5. See Ayverdi Fatih Devri Sonlarında ƒstanbul Mahalleleri, ¥ehrin ƒskânı ve Nüfusu (The Istanbul neighborhoods, the settlements, and the population of the city at the end of the era of the conqueror), Ankara, Vakıflar Umum Müdürlü™ü, 1958.
6. Robert Mayer Byzantion, Konstantinoupolis, ƒstanbul—Eine Genetische Stadtgeographie, Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Vienna, and Leipzig, 1943. Alexander van Millingen identifies the Byzantine Agios Emilianos gate with the Ottoman Davudpaœa gate. See Byzantine Constantinople: The Walls of the City and Adjoining Historical Sites, London, John Murray, 1899.
7. Mayer, Byzantion, Konstantinoupolis; Alfons Maria Schneider “Onbeœinci Yüzyılda ƒstanbul’un Nüfusu” (The population of Istanbul in the fiifteenth century), Belleten, 1952, pp. 35–50; Ali Saim Ülgen Constantinople During the Era of Mohammed the Conqueror, 1453–1481, Ankara, Publication of the General Direction of Pious Foundations, 1939.
8. For details on the methods of construction and the semiological content of these early Istanbul maps, see Ian R. Manners “Constructing the Image of a City: The Representation of Constantinople in Christopher Buondelmonti’s Liber Insularum Archipelago,” Annals of the American Association of Geographers, 87 (1), 1997, pp. 73–102. For their significance as a document on the topographical distribution of settlements, mosques, churches, and mahalles in early Ottoman Istanbul, see Çi™dem
Kafesçio™lu The Ottoman Capital in the Making: the Reconstruction of Constantinople in the Fifteenth Century, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Harvard University, 1996.
9. Ekrem Hakkı Ayverdi Fatih Devri Sonlarında.
10. Barkan Süleymaniye Camii ve ƒmareti ƒnœaatı (1550–1557) (The building of the Süleymaniye mosque and imaret [1550–1557]), Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu, Vol. 1 (1972) and Vol. 2 (1979).
11. Barkan and Ayverdi Istanbul Vakıfları Tahrir Defteri (see pp. 351–355 for the pious foundations of the Kasap ƒlyas mahalle).
12. Two dervish lodges in the neighborhood were founded in the second half of the eighteenth century.
13. On the Islamic Law of Foundations and its implementation in the Ottoman Empire, see Ahmet Akgündüz ƒslam Hukukunda ve Osmanlı Tatbikatında Vakıf Müessesesi (The vakıf institution in Islamic law and Ottoman legal practice), Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1988.
14. For the—still valid—official mahalle boundaries in intramural Istanbul see Osman Nuri Ergin Istanbul ¥ehir Rehberi (Istanbul city guide), 1934.
15. See Maurice M. Cerassi Osmanlı Kenti—Osmanlı ƒmparatorlu™unda 18. Ve 19. Yüzyıllarda Kent Uygarlı™ı ve Mimarisi (The Ottoman city—Urban civilization and architecture in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries), Istanbul, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 1999.
16. See Wolfgang Müller-Wiener Die Hafen von Byzantion, Konstantinupolis, Istanbul, Darmstadt, Germany, Ernst Wasmuth Verlag, 1994.
17. See Barkan and Ayverdi Istanbul Vakıfları, p. 353. As stated in the deed of trust, a warehouse/shop for wood and timber in the vicinity of the Davudpaœa wharf (dükkân-ı haœœâb der kurb-ü iskele-i Davudpaœa) was donated by one “Mahmud, the son of Abdullah,” in 1511.
18. For the geographic location of the various commercial urban functions in the seventeenth century, see Robert Mantran ƒstanbul dans la Seconde Moitié du XVIIe¯me Siècle—Essai d’Histoire Institutionnelle, Economique et Sociale, Paris, Librairie Adrien Maisonneuve, 1962.
19. The most important of these is certainly Cengiz Orhonlu “Istanbul’da Kayıkçılık ve Kayık ƒœletmecili™i” (Boatsmen and boat management in Istanbul), in Salih Ozbaran (ed.) Osmanlı ƒmparatorlu™unda ¥ehircilik ve Ulaœım Üzerine Araœtırmalar (Research on urbanism and transportation in the Ottoman Empire), Izmir, Turkey, Ege University Publications, 1984.
20. See Ismail Hakkı Uzunçarœılı Osmanlı Tarihi (History of the Ottoman Empire), Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1988b.
21. Barkan and Ayverdi Istanbul Vakıfları, p. 378.
22. See Vakfiyeler—I–X.
23. Reœat Ekrem Koçu “Davudpaœa,” in ƒstanbul Ansiklopedisi, 1966, Vol. 8, pp. 4289–4314.
24. See Van Millingen Byzantine Constantinople.
25. Barkan and Ayverdi Istanbul Vakıfları, pp. 353–354.
26. Here is the typical description of a house situated in the Kasap ƒlyas mahalle and donated by a deed of trust dated from 1506: “…a tahtânî house in the aforesaid mahalle with two entrances (bâbs), stables (ahurs), an oven or kiln (furun), a water well (bir-i mâ), a small garden (ba™çe), and latrines (kenif), all surrounded by a wall (muhavvata) and bounded by the properties of Hacı ƒbrahim and that of Ahmet and also by the public thoroughfare (tarik-i âmm).” See Barkan and Ayverdi, Istanbul Vakıfları,p. 352, vakıf numbered 2075.
27. For more details on the house descriptions and the uses to which these houses were put in the vakıfs of Istanbul, see Mehmet ƒpœirli “Arœiv Belgelerine göre ƒstanbul Vakıf Evleri—Müœtemilât, Tamirat, Kira, Satıœ” (The Istanbul vakıf houses according to archival documents—Extensions, repair, rents, and sales), in Tarih Boyunca Istanbul Semineri-Bildiriler, ƒstanbul, ƒstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi, 1989, pp. 183–196.
28. Taht and fevk being both words of Arabic origin, the first meaning “below, under, lower,” and the second “over, above.”
29. See, for instance, Tülay Reyhanlı ƒngiliz Gezginlerine göre Onaltıncı Yüzyılda Istanbul’da Hayat (Life in Istanbul in the sixteenth century according to English travelers), Ankara, Ministry of Culture Publications, 1983.
30. Barkan and Ayverdi Istanbul Vakıfları, p. XI.
31. Ibid., p. 354.
32. That mode of construction is in fact well-known in many parts of Anatolia. The material used in filling the space between the supporting beams may have varied geographically and with time. Straw, mud, stones, and various types of bricks might have been used. This technique of construction is generally called hımıœ.
33. See Mustafa Cezar Osmanlı Devrinde ƒstanbul Yapılarında Tahribat Yapan Yangınlar ve Tabii Afetler (Fires and other natural disasters in Ottoman times—Destructions caused to buildings in Istanbul), ƒstanbul, 1963.
34. See Ahmet Refik Hicrî Onbirinci Asırda Istanbul Hayatı (Life in Istanbul in the eleventh century after the Hegira), Istanbul, 1930.
35. Gabriel Antoine Olivier Voyage dans l’Empire Othoman, l’Egypte et la Perse, Paris, H. Agasse, 1802, Vol. 1.
36. Barkan and Ayverdi Istanbul Vakıfları, p. 355. The deed of trust specifies that this particular bostan was contiguous to yet another vegetable garden that belonged to a non-Muslim (bostan-ı zımmî) and to the city walls (cidar-ı kal’a ile mahdud).
37. Vakfiyeler—X.
38. This fountain was listed as being a new fountain in front of the Davudpaœa wharf market (Çeœme-i nev der nezd-i çarœu-yı iskele-yi Davudpaœa). See Kâzım Çeçen Mimar Sinan ve Kırkçeœme Tesisleri (Sinan the architect and the Kırkçeœme establishment), Istanbul, 1988, p. 168. For the problem of drinking water provision in Istanbul after the Turkish conquest, see Sadi Nazım Nirven Fatih II. Sultan Mehmed Devri Türk Su Medeniyeti (Turkish water and civilization in the epoch of Sultan Mehmed
II the Conqueror), ƒstanbul, 1953.
39. See Mayer Byzantion, Konstantinoupolis, ƒstanbul.
40. See Cengiz Orhonlu Osmanlı ƒmparatorlu™unda (see pp. 27–66 on road pavement and pavement workers).
41. Uzunçarœılı Osmanlı Tarihi, p. 226.
42. A tekke was a dervish convent belonging to a sufi order. The tekkes might or might not have contained permanent inmates.
43. It must be stressed again at this point that it is utterly impossible to reconstitute with any degree of precision the street plan of the sixteenth-century Kasap ƒlyas mahalle, or that of any neighborhood within the old city of Istanbul, for that matter.
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It is probable that none of the sixteenth-century Kasap ƒlyas “streets” kept their initial location or their itinerary in subsequent centuries, with one single exception: Kasap ƒlyas’ “high street.”
44. For a thorough discussion of those legal opinions, see Rhoads Murphey “Communal Living in Ottoman Istanbul—Searching for the Foundations of an Urban Tradition,” Journal of Urban History, 16/2, February 1990, pp. 115–131.
45. See Barkan and Ayverdi, Istanbul Vakıfları, p. 345.
46. Boza is a traditional Turkish drink, consumed mostly in winter, and made of mortared and slightly fermented barley
47. See Ayverdi Fatih Devri Sonlarında.
48. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatname, Istanbul, 1996, Vol. 1; Eremya Çelebi Kömürcüyan ƒstanbul Tarihi-XVII. Asırda ƒstanbul (The history of Istanbul—Istanbul in the seventeenth century), ƒstanbul, Eren Yayıncılık, 1988.
49. See Münir Aktepe “Onyedinci Asra ait Istanbul kazası Avârız Defteri” (A seventeenth century Avârız register for the district of Istanbul), Istanbul Enstitüsü Dergisi, 3, 1957, pp. 109–139.
50. The term avârız is the plural of ârıza, meaning “accident” or “occasional, unexpected occurrence.”
51. For a compendium of figures and estimates of the population of the Ottoman Empire and its various provinces, see Behar Osmanlı ƒmparatorlu™u ve Türkiye’nin Nüfusu (1500–1927) (The population of the Ottoman Empire and of Turkey), Ankara, State Institute of Statistics (Historical Statistics Series, Vol. 2), 1996.
52. Stanford J. Shaw “The Population of ƒstanbul in the Nineteenth Century,” International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 10, 1979, pp. 265–277.
53. On the 1885 population of Kasap ƒlyas, see Behar “Fruit Vendors and Civil Servants—A Social and Demographic Portrait of a Neighborhood Community in Intramural ƒstanbul: the Kasap ƒlyas Mahalle in 1885,” Bo™aziçi Journal, 11/1–2, 1997, pp. 5–32.
54. Derviœ Mustafa Efendi 1782 Yılı Yangınları—Harîk Risalesi (The fires of 1782—The fire epistle), Istanbul, IletiœimYayınları, 1994.
55. That is the only manner in which the topographical location of each piece of real estate in Istanbul could have been defined, before the establishment of a cadastral land survey in the middle of the nineteenth century. The name of the neighborhood plus that of a well-known landmark (a mosque, a city gate, a market, etc.) and the names of the owners of the bordering properties were sufficient indica-
tors defining and locating a house or a plot of land in Istanbul.
56. See, for instance, Kömürcüyan ƒstanbul Tarihi-XVII. Asırda ƒstanbul (The history of Istanbul—Istanbul in the seventeenth century), Istanbul, Eren Yayıncılık, 1988; P. Incicyan Onsekizinci Asırda ƒstanbul (Istanbul in the eighteenth century), ƒstanbul, ƒstanbul Fetih Cemiyeti Yayınları, 1976; Sarraf Sarkis Hovhannesyan Payitaht Istanbul’un Tarihçesi (A brief history of the imperial capital Istanbul), Istanbul, Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 1996.
57. Barkan Süleymaniye Camii ve ƒmareti ƒnœaatı.
58. Hatun, simply meaning “lady,” was then an honorific title given to women of some age who commanded general respect.
59. See Mayer Byzantion, Konstantinoupolis, ƒstanbul; also, Celal Esad [Arseven] Eski ƒstanbul Abidat ve Mebanisi—¥ehrin Tesisinden Osmanlı Fethine Kadar (Buildings and monuments of old Istanbul—From its foundation to the Ottoman conquest), ƒstanbul, Muhtar Halit Kütüphanesi, 1922.
60. This name never became an official street name. When the streets of Istanbul received official names in the 1860s, it was baptized Samatya Avenue (Samatya Caddesi), referring to one of the districts through which it passes. Unpleasant memories linked to the Janissary Corps, as well as the desire to “modernize” might have played a role in the elimination of this name, although it had roots in the people’s daily life, reflected a social and political reality, and had been used for centuries.
61. See, for instance, Osman Nuri Ergin Mecelle-i Umûr-u Belediye, Istanbul, Vol. 2, 1995, pp. 794–795.
62. The Kazlıçeœme area remained a tannery center in Istanbul until well into the 1990s.
63. Hovhannesyan Payitaht Istanbul’un Tarihçesi, p. 31.
64. For more details on the butchers’ daily procession and on the ritual associated with the distribution of meat to the Janissary companies stationed in the Etmeydanı barracks, see Uzunçarœılı Osmanlı Devlet Teœkilatından Kapıkulu Ocakları—Acemi Oca™ı ve Yeniçeri Oca™ı, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1988, pp. 241ff.
65. Kalfa (literally, substitute, or helper) was a title given to senior female officials of the harem in the Imperial Palace.
66. Ahmet Efendi Üçüncü Selim’in sır kâtibi Ahmet Efendi tarafindan tutulan Ruzname (Diary kept by Ahmet Efendi Selim the Third’s confident), Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1993, p. 201.
67. Idem, p. 217.
68. For a detailed listing of the various fires in Ottoman Istanbul, see Mustafa Cezar Osmanlı Devrinde Istanbul Yapılarında Tahribat yapan Yangınlar ve Tabii Afetler (Fires and other natural disasters in Ottoman times—Destructions caused to buildings in Istanbul), Istanbul, 1963. On the network of amateur fire brigades that were set up in Istanbul in the nineteenth century, see Reœat Ekrem Koçu Yangın var. . . Istanbul Tulumbacıları (Fire!…The Istanbul voluntary fire brigades), Istanbul, Ana Yayınevi, 1981.
69. See Cezar Osmanlı Devrinde and Koçu Yangın Var.
70. Cezar Osmanlı Devrinde, p. 17.
71. Vakfiyeler—I.
72. Derviœ Mustafa Efendi 1782 Yılı Yangınları—Harîk Risalesi (The fires of 1782—The fire epistle), Istanbul, IletiœimYayınları, 1994, p. 60.
73. See Uzunçarœlı “ƒstanbul ve Bilâd-ı Selâse Denilen Eyüp, Galata ve Üsküdar Kadılıkları,” Istanbul Enstitüsü Dergisi, 3 1957, pp. 25–52.
74. The fire of 1782 was a disaster for historiographers, too, for it destroyed a rich archival collection. The Davudpaœa Religious Court was one of the oldest in Istanbul and used to work under the direction of a naib, a representative of the kadı of Istanbul. The inhabitants of the Kasap ƒlyas mahalle usually went to this religious court for their lawsuits and legal records. The Davudpaœa Court of Justice used to operate in a wooden house abutting on the Davudpaœa mosque itself. The 1782 fire completely destroyed this house and an archive with about three centuries of court records on the Davudpaœa District were turned to ashes. The first record of the new series is dated 1 Zilhicce 1196 a.h. (November 7, 1782).
75. Archives of the Religious Courts of Istanbul—Davudpaœa Court (Istanbul ¥er’iye Sicilleri Arœivi—Davudpaœa Mahkemesi) [ISA-DM 8/1 p. 37a; 8/1 p. 73b; 8/1 p. 75a; 8/5 p. 52b; 8/6 p. 82a; etc].
76. Vakfiyeler—IV and VI.
77. Vakfiyeler—VI.
78. A zira’ or zira’-yı mimari (architectural zira’ ), was equal to about 75 centimeters.

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