Articles Tagged with: Notes to Chapter 3

Notes to Chapter 3


1. Halil ƒnalcık and Donald Quataert An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1914, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1994, pp. 793–795.
2. Ibid., p. 787.
3. Edhem Eldem, Daniel Goffmann, and Bruce Masters The Ottoman City between East and West—Aleppo, Izmir and Istanbul, Cambridge, Cambridge Univeristy Press, 1999.
4. For some precise instances see ƒlber Ortaylı Osmanlı Toplumunda Aile (The family in Ottoman society), Istanbul, Pan Yayıncılık, 2000.
5. See Musa Çadırcı “Tanzimat döneminde çıkarılan men-i mürur ve pasaport nizamnameleri” (The passport and certificate of passage regulations issued in the Tanzimat period), Türk Tarih Kurumu—Belgeler, 15, 1993, pp. 169–183.
6. Ibid., pp. 170–171.
7. See Cem Behar Osmanlı ƒmparatorlu™unun ve Türkiye’nin Nüfusu, 1500–1927 (The population of the Ottoman Empire and Turkey), Ankara, Devlet Istatistik Enstitüsü Yayınları, 1996.
8. Alan Duben and Behar ƒstanbul Households—Marriage, Family and Fertility in Istanbul, 1880–1940, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991, pp. 24–25.
9. See Behar “Fruit Vendors and Civil Servants—A Social and Demographic Portrait of a Neighborhood Community in Intramural ƒstanbul, the Kasap ƒlyas mahalle in 1885,” Bo™aziçi Journal, Vol. 11/1–2, 1997, pp. 5–32.
10. Duben and Behar, ƒstanbul Households, p. 24.
11. Census rosters for the Kasap ƒlyas mahalle in 1885 and 1907, Fatih Nüfus Müdürlü™ü [Atik Defter 14] and [Eski Esas 23].
12. The Ottoman Province (vilâyet) of Mamuretülâziz, whose administrative center was the city of Harput, comprised parts of the present-day Turkish provinces of Sivas, Malatya, Elazı™, and Erzincan.
13. Behar “Fruit Vendors and Civil Servants,” p. 16.
14. Mehmed Süreyya Sicill-i Osmani, yahut Tezkire-i meœâhir-i Osmaniye, Istanbul, Matbaa-yı Amire, Vol. 4, 1893, pp. 446–447.
15. Ayvansarayî Hâfız Hüseyin Efendi Hadikat’ül Cevami’, Istanbul, 1864; also in Ömer Lütfü Barkan and Ekrem Hakkı Ayverdi Istanbul Vakıfları Tahrir defteri-1546, ƒstanbul, ƒstanbul Fetih Cemiyeti 3 1970, p. 351.
16. Abdüsselâm Uluçam “Arapkirdeki mimari anıtların bugünkü durumu” (The present situation of the architectural monuments of Arapkir), Battal Gazi ve Malatya çevresi Halk Kültürü Sempozyumu Bildirileri, Malatya, Turkey, ƒnönü Üniversitesi, 1986, pp. 140–147.
17. Mehmed Süreyya Sicill-i Osmani, yahut Tezkire-i meœâhir-i Osmaniye, ƒstanbul, Matbaa-yı Amire, 1893, Vol. 3/246, Vol. 1/152, Vol. 4/479.
18. “Ispanakçıbaœı veresesi arsası” is mentioned as a neighboring property in the relevant court case [ISA-DM, 8/50, p. 56b].
19. “ .. .Vilâyet-i Anadoluda A™ın kazasına tabi Pezenka(?) nâm karye ahâlisinden olup Kasap ƒlyas mahallesinde sâkin iken bundan akdem vefat eden Kömürcü Hüseyin beœe bin Abdullah.. . .” [ISA-DM, 8/6, p. 71a].
20. [ISA-DM, 8/20, p. 3b].
21. “…vilâyet-i Anadolu’da Arapkir kazasına tâbî Bostancık nâm karye ahâlisinden olup Davudpaœa ƒskelesinde Kasap ƒlyas mahallesinde sâkin Kara Ahmed bin Mehmed…yine karye-i mezbure ahâlisinden ƒbrahim Beœe bin Abdurrahman. …” [ISA-DM, 8/20, p. 3b].
22. [ISA-DM, 8/40, p. 44b; 8/90, p. 7a; 8/120, p. 48b; 8/140, p. 53a; 8/148, p. 87a; 8/170, p. 27a].
23. Vital Cuinet La Turquie d’Asie—Géographie Administrative, Paris, Ernest Leroux, 1892, Vol. 2, pp. 315–404 (see pp. 357–361 on Arapkir).
24. ƒbrahim Alaattin Gövsa Türk Meœhurları Ansiklopedisi (Encyclopedia of famous Turks), Istanbul, Yedigün Matbaası, 1945–1946; Ahmet Nezih Galitekin “ƒsmail Saib Sencer,” Müteferrika, 4, 1994, pp. 137–144.
25. Charles Issawi The Economic History of Turkey, 1800–1914, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1980, p. 35.
26. Donald Quataert “The Age of Reforms, 1812–1914,” in Halil Inalcık and Donald Quataert (eds.) An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, pp. 759–947.
27. See Cuinet Turquie d’Asie, p. 345.
28. Ekrem Yalçınkaya Muhtasar Malatya Tarih ve Co™rafyası (A short history and geography of Malatya), Istanbul, Cumhuriyet Matbaası, 1940, p. 38. On the decline of the cotton manufactures of Arapkir, see Fikri Yücel Arapgir Tarihi (History of Arapkir), Arapkir Matbaası, Arapkir, 1967, pp. 46–48.
29. Vital Cuinet Turquie d’Asie, p. 332.
30. [ISA-DM, 8/90, p. 7a].
31. For similar contemporary insertion mechanisms in Istanbul, see Sema Erder Istanbula bir kent kondu: Ümraniye, Istanbul, Iletiœim Yayınları, 1996; Erder “Where Do You Hail From?—Localism and Networks in Istanbul,” in C. Keyder (ed.) Istanbul between the Local and the Global, London, Rowman and Littlefield, 2000, pp. 161–173.
32. See, for instance, Quataert Social Disintegration and Popular Resistance in the Ottoman Empire, 1882–1908, New York, 1983.
33. Cuinet Turquie d’Asie, Vol. 2, pp. 359, 361, 363, 367, 372.
34. So were two muhtars (a father and his son) of the neighboring Kürkçübaœı mahalle, which is also part of the Davudpaœa District.
35. Interview conducted on August 12, 1994.
36. Interview conducted on July 29, 1995.
37. Interview conducted on December 2, 1994.
38. [D2/p. 2–8].
39. How this Yeœilin Mehmed Efendi came to build and own such a large number of houses on a plot of land practically abandoned but still apparently legally belonging to the heirs of the Ispanakçızâde family is something that the local records do not reveal. Still, this informal local housing market in the Virane functioned unimpeded for long decades, until the Cerrahpaœa Hospital took over the land in the
second half of the twentieth century (see the Epilogue).
40. Interview conducted on August 2, 1994.
41. Harold Lubell The Informal Sector in the 1980s and 1990s, Paris, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Development Centre Studies, Paris 1991.
42. Robert Mantran ƒstanbul dans la Seconde moitié du XVIIème siècle—Essai d’Histoire Institutionnelle, Economique et Sociale, Paris, Librairie Adrien Maisonneuve, 1962.
43. See Gabriel Baer “The Administrative, Economic, and Social Functions of Turkish Guilds,” International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 1/1970, 28–50; and Engin Deniz Akarlı “Gedik: Implements, Mastership, Shop Usufruct and Monopoly among Istanbul Artisans, 1750–1850,” Wissenschaftskolleg Jahrbuch, Berlin, 1986, pp. 225–231.
44. Lubell Informal Sector in the 1980s and 1990s, p. 17.
45. Mantran Istanbul dans la seconde moitié du XVIIème siecle.
46. “.. . gümrük ketebesinden….”
47. “.. . telgrafhane ketebesinden….”
48. Quataert “The Age of Reforms, 1812–1914,” in Inalcık and Quataert Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, particularly pp. 897–898.
49. Suraiya Faroqhi “Crisis and Change, 1590–1699,” in ibid., pp. 595–598.
50. The birth, death, and marriage records in the muhtar’s notebooks cannot be used as sources of demographic information. The muhtar’s registration rate for births and deaths in Kasap ƒlyas does not seem to have exceeded 10 percent during this period.
51. On late Ottoman demographic registration procedures and their failure see Duben and Behar ƒstanbul Households, pp. 15–20.
52. “Sicill-i Nüfus Nizamnamesi” (Regulation on population registers), 1883, Düstur- Zeyl II, pp. 3–8, 15–24.
53. Musa Çadırcı “Tanzimat Döneminde çıkarılan men’-i mürur ve pasaport nizamnameleri.”
54. [D2/pp. 106–108]
55. “… Kasımpaœa’da Sahhaf Muhiddin mahallesinden nakil….”
56. “…Molla Gürani kurbünde Seyyid Ömer mahallesinde bir numaradan nakil….”
57. “… Yedi nüfus Kürkçübaœı mahallesi Langa caddesi 156 numaradan nakil….”
58. . . . Cumartesi Pazarı kurbünde Hacı Piri mahallesinin 22 numarasından nakil. .. .”
59. The 251 mahalles of Istanbul are listed in an official document intended for use in the 1877 parliamentary elections. “Esâmi-i Mahallât,” in ƒœbu 1294 senesi Saferinin 22sinde ve Mart ibtidasında…mebusların suret-i intihabına dair beyannamedir, Istanbul, Matbaa-yı Amire, 1293(1876).
60. For surprisingly similar contemporary urban insertion mechanisms in Istanbul, see Erder “Where Do You Hail From?”
61. Literate or not, most people in Istanbul had their personal seals that they used for stamping, in lieu of signing, all official documents. The seal was strictly personal and its authenticity, too, had to be certified by the muhtar, if necessary.
62. The pusula given by the muhtar to the person who left the neighborhood often contained a brief physical description of the (male) person (“…short, dark hair, brown eyes, fair skin, white beard etc….”).
63. [D3/pp. 7–23].
64. For more details on the types of coffeehouses in Istanbul in the nineteenth century and their various social and cultural functions, see François Georgeon “Les cafés à Istanbul à la fin de l’Empire Ottoman,” in Helene Desmet-Gregoire and François Georgeon Cafés d’Orient revisités, Paris, Editions du CNRS, 1997, pp. 39– 79. On the social functions of coffeehouses in contemporary Istanbul shantytowns and their role on the local labor market see Erder “Where Do You Hail From?”
65. [Atik Defter 14, various pp.]
66. See S. E. Eisenstadt and L. Roniger Patrons, Clients and Friends, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1984.
67. [D2/p. 53b].
68. [D2/p. 54a].
69. “… altı sene evvel memleketinden gelmiœ bilâ kayd ƒzmire. ..” [D2/p. 55b].
70. “… üç sene akdem gelip tezkere-i mecidisi zayi.. . .” [D2/p. 57a].

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